2015-10-27T11:31:00-07:00
Dr. Mustafa Al-Absi, the famous psychology doctor in America, wrote a post on his Facebook page, and asked a specific question: Why is the popular resistance to Houthi concentrated in Taiz, Aden, and Marib, and there is no mention of that resistance in Dhamar, Sana’a, and Saada?, He ended his question by saying: Let us be frank and not lie to ourselves, and the answer will be in the next response? The doctor is trying to be frank with everyone, as if he was timidly diagnosing the issue regionally. This is how I understood it and this is how everyone understood it during their comments on his post. Many of his friends in The page says it is a regional, sectarian war. In fact, I do not know whether Dr. Mustafa, who deleted me from his page after I commented on that post, actually meant that simple logic that distorts the truth, or whether he wrote another post and explained the reasons away from the regional interpretation. Well… I will leave the psychological analysis that Dr. Mustafa started with in explaining this phenomenon, and I will try to answer his question in an objective way, which I hope the article will reach, as perhaps he will reconsider the reasons before publishing the answer on his page. In our culture, we always tend to To explain the phenomena around us and attribute them to natural factors, whether they are political or social phenomena, etc. We tend to simplify the phenomena after our inability to scientifically analyze the phenomena, and attribute the causes to natural factors, as our explanations are not devoid of answers: climate, geography, North, south, mountain, plain, air, region, coast, sea, etc., a state of intellectual lethargy in analyzing phenomena, and laziness in our search for variables contributing to the production of those phenomena, and this is a feature of the mythical superstitious mind, which nature lacks an explanation. Everything around him. Let us return to the political context of Yemen, and regain our lost memory. Why those areas?
In the seventies and eighties of the last century, after the Khamer Conference, the Amran Center, the Front Conference, and the Central Regions Conference, specifically the city of Jableh, Al-Hamdi was assassinated by the Khamer Conference, which is affiliated with Saudi Arabia, and North Yemen fought the Front’s wars, and the Front concentrated in the regions. The Central District (Ibb, Taiz, Wasab, Radaa, and Al-Hudaydah) also included Sana’a (Arhab and Harf Sufyan), Saada, Al-Bayda, and Ma’rib. The Front was based on the intellectual bearer of socialism and nationalism in its struggle with the authority of the new regime formed by Saudi Arabia. It was based on fighting feudalism and exploitation, modernizing society, developing it agriculturally and economically, and restoring Yemen’s path from its Saudi path. But the Khamar Conference confronted the Front and united with the bearer. A religious movement coming from Saudi Arabia and with Saudi support represented by the Muslim Brotherhood. This coalition was able to defeat the Front and win the victory for the Saudi project in Yemen. They transformed the course of the battle from a battle of rejection of guardianship to a battle between faith on the one hand and disbelief and atheism on the other hand. After that victory, The Saudi political track in Yemen had to work on multiple projects in those areas, in order to eliminate that era in their collective memory, prevent it from returning again through a process of comprehensive washing, and link them to the Saudi political track, and these projects took the form of several forms. …intellectual, religious, economic, political, social, etc. The intellectual and religious project represented this project by flooding those areas with religious associations that cared for young people and children. The state allowed the establishment of religious institutes that were separated in their curriculum from government schools. These associations and institutes took on the task of forming new generations so that they would follow the same line as the religious groups funded by Saudi Arabia and their associations. This project relied on brainwashing those regions and removing the socialist era and its ideas and criminalizing it from their awareness and memory. The ages were approximately between 10 years and up to 40 years in those areas, people were educated, raised, and surrounded by that religious and intellectual project, and it is natural for them to identify with the discourse of religious groups, and confirmation of this is that 20-year-old generations in those areas still view the Al-Hamdi era as an era of disbelief. It is sharp and largely alcoholic, and there is an identification with the religious discourse coming from the sheikhs of Saudi Arabia. These areas turned into centers for exporting mujahideen to Afghanistan, Chechnya, and Kashmir. These fighters were absorbed into the military corps in what was called the armored division. They had large military ranks, and all of them had money disbursed to them from Saudi Arabia. They have a large presence in the country. Their areas, most of which are the old front areas. Observe well the areas of the front lines, and note the extent of the expansion and concentration of religious associations and religious groups in them. The central regions are the largest incubator for the Brotherhood and Salafist religious associations, and Radaa has turned into a sacred center for Al-Qaeda, and Arhab has turned into a holy center for the Brotherhood thanks to Al-Zindani, and Al-Bayda has turned into a center. For religious groups of excommunication and migration, Saada turned into a sacred center for the Salafists, and Zabid also became an incubator for the Brotherhood. The intellectual and religious connection was established with Saudi Arabia. Therefore, this religious and intellectual project that was carried out in these areas was not a local product, which the Yemeni people produced from local tools. Rather, it was merely an external project that was replaced in Yemen, to serve an international political path only. The economic project represented a great facilitation of job opportunities for the people of those regions in the Gulf and Saudi Arabia, so that the citizen’s livelihood became linked to Saudi Arabia, and you notice that most of the workers in Saudi Arabia are from the central regions, and this citizen supports a large family, so work in Saudi Arabia has turned into a large, dependent economy. Many individuals from Yemen, and not only that, but the Yemeni worker has become in a situation called a sponsor (a sentence to improve the word slave), and we do not forget that these workers will return to Yemen carrying the same intellectual, religious and political pattern surrounding them, and the connection has been made. The economic project with Saudi Arabia. The political project is the presence of the Islah Party, which has a large incubator in the areas of the Front, Ibb, Marib, Radaa, Arhab, Raymah, Sab, and Taiz. As everyone knows, one of the basic principles of the Islah Party is to work to promote and strengthen relations between Yemen. And Saudi Arabia. The political link was established with Saudi Arabia. The social project is the presence of tribal, political and social figures who receive Saudi money, in the so-called special committee, and the function of this committee is to give money to those figures in order to maintain the connection of the path of those areas with the path of Saudi Arabia. The tribal sheikh in Yemen owns A historical authority with which he can direct his areas of influence towards Saudi Arabia through his financial ties. Social connections were made with Saudi Arabia. With an important note, which is that after the victory of the Khamar Conference and the religious group over the front, the people of those regions were almost indirectly prevented from being promoted in the military corps. This prevention at first was for fear of the front’s return or any coup against Saudi Arabia in Yemen, because Most of the Front’s fighters were officers and soldiers in the military corps in Yemen. Yemen in 1994, after the victory of the tools of the Saudi path in Yemen in the 1994 war represented by the Khamer Conference and the Brotherhood, which exploded at the beginning of Amran, the center of the Khamer Conference, and it is the same one that defeated the Front yesterday. With the same method, tools, means and ideas, almost the same thing that happened yesterday with the front areas happened to the south, only projects had to be made to link the south to the Saudi path, intellectually, religiously, economically and politically, and to remove and erase the socialist era and ideas, so the demobilization took place. Southern officers, especially from Al-Dhalea and Yafa’, and infusing those areas with Salafist thought, and facilitating work visas for the people of those areas. Many of the tribal sheikhs from Yafa’ and Al-Dhale now have strong relations with Saudi Arabia. Intellectual, economic, political, and social connections have occurred and they are moving in The same Saudi path in Yemen. Each of these projects is distinguished by an important characteristic, which is blatant slavery. Religion in people’s minds has turned into a relationship of slavery, like man’s slavery to man. People have become slaves to religious sheikhs who represent Allah, and the Yemeni citizen has become enslaved by clerics in Saudi Arabia, who listen to them in everything. And every matter and they believe in them blindly, as for the economy, it turned into slavery and the Yemeni became happy to obtain sponsorship (slave) in Saudi Arabia, and the livelihood of the Yemeni person became linked to a relationship of slavery. The Yemeni fears for Saudi Arabia more than he fears for Yemen, fearing for his livelihood. He bears any insult or unjust Saudi laws, the most important thing is Rizqa, knowing that this sponsorship system is described by all international organizations as anti-human and with ugly slavery laws, turning the Yemeni into a mere worker and a hard worker, because Saudi Arabia sought, through its tools in Yemen, not to create an economy. He is strong to absorb that labor. As for the social status, the sheikh who receives money is responsible for a group within his tribal influence and relies on a power that makes him exercise any role in that influence and makes him above the law. So, these slave projects interconnected and interacted to form the political path of Saudi Arabia in Yemen. Generations were formed within this path and were nourished by it intellectually, politically and economically. Ideas were formed based on the basis of that path, and were largely concentrated in almost all of those areas, and many became He is unaware that he is under the threat of a foreign political path, and that the idea, his belief, his economy, and his politics around him are shaped in the imagination of Saudi Arabia’s strategy inside Yemen, until this day when Saudi Arabia has a hand in arranging the internal situation of Yemen without any objection from those generations, and everyone has become In those areas, it is compatible with the discourse coming from Saudi Arabia, whether political, religious, media, intellectual, or any solutions coming from there. All of these enslaving projects mixed and interacted to form the Saudi path in those areas, and I found a platform in the oil media surrounding us from everywhere to express and express its clear connection to the Saudi path. So what is called resistance in those areas is resistance that follows a Saudi political path. Only, for a political path that is not linked to Saudi Arabia. This is the reason why we see people from Taiz and young people raising pictures of the King of Saudi Arabia, and saying the slogan: Thank you, Sir Salman, for bombing us. The clear slogan of slavery, which automatically expresses Saudi Arabia’s political path in Yemen..